{"id":148,"date":"2026-06-09T19:07:59","date_gmt":"2026-06-09T19:07:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/summitrelocationtimess.com\/?p=148"},"modified":"2026-06-09T19:07:59","modified_gmt":"2026-06-09T19:07:59","slug":"how-resisting-trumpism-could-revive-the-u-s-labor-movement","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/summitrelocationtimess.com\/?p=148","title":{"rendered":"How Resisting Trumpism Could Revive the U.S. Labor Movement"},"content":{"rendered":"
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The U.S. labor movement, like the nation at large, stands at a\u00a0crossroads. The next few years might well determine whether the United States fully descends into an era of electoral autocracy, where democracy has withered and authoritarianism becomes the political norm. This period is also likely to set the future trajectory of the union movement\u2019s power and influence, as the state of democracy and organized labor have long been deeply\u00a0intertwined.<\/p>

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For decades, the right-wing forces set on steadily eroding our democracy have worked in tandem with a\u00a0pro-corporate movement that has increasingly marginalized organized labor, creating a\u00a0ballooning crisis for the working class. Yet this politically hazardous moment also represents an opportunity to overcome deep-seated institutional inertia, drawing elements of a\u00a0cautious labor movement out of their defensive crouch, and helping unions devise forms of struggle that might both revive the labor movement and renew American\u00a0democracy.<\/p>\n

President Donald Trump\u2019s second term has, in a\u00a0way, broken a\u00a0spell. For years, the pre-Trump status quo kept labor locked in a\u00a0pattern of slow decline even as democracy was increasingly stifled and abridged by voter suppression, gerrymandering, filibusters and the overweening power of organized money. But the decades-old dysfunctional status quo that gave rise to Trumpism is now crumbling under the weight of the most lawless, antidemocratic, rights-trampling administration this country has seen since the 19<\/span>th<\/sup>\u00a0century.<\/p>\n

History suggests that fighting to defend and revive democracy in its moment of maximum peril can create a\u00a0window of opportunity for labor. Past experience\u2009\u2014\u2009in the United States and other nations\u2009\u2014\u2009teaches us that, when unions fight to defend democracy and win, they position themselves for periods of explosive growth and increased worker power. It is imperative that the U.S. labor movement grasp this lesson and seize the window of opportunity before it\u2019s too\u00a0late.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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MOVING BEYOND MAGICAL THINKING<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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It\u2019s clear that the crisis facing U.S. democracy is deepening. Over the past year, immigrants and the neighbors and coworkers who stood in solidarity with them endured murderous paramilitary occupations in Minneapolis, Chicago and other cities across the country. The nation has been plunged into war in Iran without prior input from Congress. The president has even suggested the federal government should seize control of the upcoming midterm elections from the\u00a0states.<\/p>\n

This all comes on top of the Supreme Court\u2019s relentless assault on workers\u2019 rights and a\u00a0worsening affordability crisis that has undermined the stability of working-class families, leading them to wonder whether the system is irretrievably\u00a0broken.<\/p>\n

While our democracy\u2019s crisis deepens, the national labor movement has yet to play a\u00a0leading role in the resistance against ascendant authoritarianism. By seizing the opportunity to play such a\u00a0role in the year ahead, labor has the opportunity to reverse its decades-long slide toward irrelevancy by taking up an indispensable role in preserving, expanding and deepening rights-based\u00a0democracy.<\/p>\n

By fighting to reconstruct our democracy in the face of the mortal threat it now faces, labor could transform itself from a\u00a0fading force\u2009\u2014\u2009whose structure and outlook still bear the imprint of the 19<\/span>th<\/sup>– and 20<\/span>th<\/sup>-century struggles that birthed it\u2009\u2014\u2009into a\u00a0rejuvenated movement ambitious enough to give workers the powerful voice they deserve in the 21<\/span>st<\/sup>\u00a0century.<\/p>\n

That transformation is only possible, though, if the labor movement moves beyond the magical thinking that if unions can just survive the Trump era then they can help restore a\u00a0kind of pre-Trump normalcy afterward. The prevailing sentiment among labor\u2019s leaders seems to be that, if they can just help their allies regain control of Congress later this year, they will be able to contain the damage Trump has wrought and coalesce behind an alternative in 2028<\/span> that can roll back\u00a0Trumpism.<\/p>\n

As important as the coming elections are, unions should firmly reject the comforting delusion that they can recover through the ballot box what power they\u2019ve lost in the workplace. For if such electoral victories are unaccompanied by a\u00a0revived, reorganized labor movement, they will leave workers and unions in a\u00a0situation no different from the one they faced prior to Trump\u2019s\u00a0rise.<\/p>\n

If the labor movement is to have a\u00a0viable future, unions must not merely survive but capitalize on Trump\u2019s disruption of longstanding norms, assumptions and institutions, many of which no longer operate to labor\u2019s benefit\u2009\u2014\u2009if they ever did.\u2009That is the path to advance a\u00a0bold 21<\/span>st<\/sup>-century vision of inclusive solidarity, equality, rights and\u00a0democracy.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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TURNING CRISIS INTO OPPORTUNITY<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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How labor might take advantage of Trumpism\u2019s authoritarian excesses to advance such a\u00a0vision was put on display in Minnesota this winter, where local labor organizations drew on years of experience to play a\u00a0central role in the resistance to Trump\u2019s Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) invasion. Unions of janitors, teachers, healthcare workers and others helped coalesce a\u00a0resistance that included workers centers, faith communities and clergy, community organizations, immigrants\u2019 rights groups, small businesses and caring\u00a0neighbors.<\/p>\n

Protesters turned out by the tens of thousands in subzero temperatures, religious leaders endured arrest in acts of civil disobedience, and witnesses turned their cell phones into tools to document ICE malfeasance and protect their neighbors. That resistance was built on a\u00a0shared common good analysis of power and a\u00a0recognition of the increasingly baneful influence of billionaires over our political system and economy. Protesters targeted not only ICE but corporations such as Target and Hilton that have either remained silent or openly abetted and profited from Trump\u2019s authoritarian power\u00a0grab.<\/p>\n

Make no mistake: The formal end of Operation Metro Surge in Minneapolis scarcely indicates a\u00a0waning of this administration\u2019s authoritarian ambitions. Unresolved issues regarding the limits of ICE\u2019s legal authority will likely continue to elicit protest and resistance in the streets. In the meantime, new fronts are already opening as the president disregards all restraints on his power to deploy military force abroad and pushes an effort to nationalize the midterm elections at home. As labor movement leaders contemplate the conflicts that might emerge, they should consider lessons from what happened in Minnesota as well as other cities like Chicago and Los Angeles, where local unions played important roles in mobilizing resistance. They should also learn from the experiences of unions in other nations that successfully resisted authoritarian\u00a0regimes.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The stories of Brazil, South Korea and South Africa are cases in point. In these countries, labor movements joined and helped lead the struggles against dictatorship, authoritarianism and apartheid. In each case, when democracy won out, unions saw massive increases in membership. During Brazil\u2019s transition to democracy in the mid-1980<\/span>s, work stoppages jumped tenfold, and Brazil\u2019s labor federation, Central \u00danica dos Trabalhadores (CUT), founded during this period,ngrew to represent more than 15<\/span> million people by\u00a01990<\/span>.<\/p>\n

When South Korea\u2019s dictatorship fell in 1987<\/span>, a\u00a0period of militant worker struggle ensued as the number of strikes jumped and union membership surged. In South Africa, the labor movement played a\u00a0key role in the fight against apartheid, and trade union membership grew dramatically, up from 1<\/span>.4<\/span> million workers and 18<\/span>% density in 1985<\/span> to 3<\/span>.8<\/span> million and 51<\/span>% by 1998<\/span>. What\u2019s more, these growth spurts boosted worker power and helped erect union bulwarks to help prevent backsliding into authoritarianism in subsequent\u00a0years.<\/p>\n

In Brazil, labor rallied to defeat President Jair Bolsonaro at the polls in 2022<\/span>, then opposed his post-defeat coup attempt and supported his successful prosecution. Similarly, South Korean unions played a\u00a0vital role in defeating an attempted coup in 2024<\/span> by threatening a\u00a0general strike.<\/p>\n

As these examples suggest, and as scholars have long noted, labor movements\u2009\u2014\u2009no matter their national context\u2009\u2014\u2009tend to expand not in linear fashion but by quantum leaps. The British labor historian Eric J. Hobsbawm described these episodes as \u200b\u201c<\/span>discontinuous\u201d and \u200b\u201c<\/span>explosive\u201d bursts that occur when circumstances force \u200b\u201c<\/span>qualitative innovations in the\u00a0movement.\u201d<\/p>\n

Resisting authoritarians has required such innovations in countries across the globe, which have in turn helped unions to grow. When worker-led movements aligned with pro-democracy forces and succeeded in undermining authoritarian regimes, their victories allowed workers to witness and feel their collective power. Confrontations with authoritarianism in the streets translated into militancy, collective action and increased organization in the\u00a0workplace.<\/p>\n

The U.S. labor movement\u2019s history also bears out that pattern. While people in the United States have never witnessed a\u00a0battle with authoritarianism quite like the ones that erupted in South Africa, Brazil and South Korea, an analogous incubation of explosive growth took place during periods when the U.S. labor movement aligned itself with struggles to defend democracy against what were perceived as existential\u00a0threats.<\/p>

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The Civil War, waged to defeat the Confederacy and preserve the Union in the 1860<\/span>s, triggered what W.E.B. Du Bois called a\u00a0vast \u200b\u201c<\/span>general strike\u201d in which the enslaved transferred their labor \u200b\u201c<\/span>from the Confederate planter to the Northern invader\u201d even as that war fueled the expansion of the national trade unions that would later form the American Federation of Labor (AFL).<\/p>\n

The effort to make the world \u200b\u201c<\/span>safe for democracy,\u201d as President Woodrow Wilson pledged during World War I, likewise provided the setting for experimentation with industrial unionism that paved the way for the later formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). And the forging of a\u00a0U.S. \u200b\u201c<\/span>arsenal of democracy\u201d against fascism during World War II helped lead to the high-water mark of U.S. unionism in the\u00a01950<\/span>s.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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PIVOTING TOWARD ACTION<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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The kind of quantum leaps in union growth that have occurred when the U.S. labor movement has linked its fortunes to the future of democracy can happen again. In the growing resistance to Trumpism, we are already seeing glimmers of how this could happen in our time. Unions and allied labor and community organizations provided the backbone of the resistance in Minnesota; employees in the largest and most influential technology labs are confronting bosses who are selling their technology to the government for domestic surveillance and global war; higher education unions are challenging attacks on free speech on university\u00a0campuses.<\/p>\n

Flashes of resistance like these are multiplying. Yet such sparks will not fuel a\u00a0major breakthrough unless unions at every level\u2009\u2014\u2009from locals to internationals\u2009\u2014\u2009embrace the fight against Trump\u2019s authoritarian, billionaire-serving regime and defend democracy by challenging the corporations and Silicon Valley technofascists that are shaping and profiting from Trump\u2019s\u00a0policies.<\/p>\n

Such opposition must go beyond an electoral strategy for 2026<\/span> and 2028<\/span>. Defeating Trump and his allies at the polls will be a\u00a0Pyrrhic victory if the corporations fueling the right wing\u2019s anti-worker agenda maintain their influence over our government. Should Democrats regain control of Congress and the White House, the same corporations that have aligned with Trump will be working to sabotage pro-labor policies while doubling down on their AI-obsessed, job-threatening, antidemocratic campaign of economic\u00a0destruction.<\/p>\n

As the experience of other nations and the failure of our own post-Civil War Reconstruction remind us, elites and economic structures that benefit from authoritarian power don\u2019t vanish when antidemocratic regimes crumble; they regroup. We cannot allow such a\u00a0regrouping to occur post-Trump, for as we have seen over the past 50<\/span>\u00a0years of labor decline under Democratic and Republican administrations alike, a\u00a0return to the pre-Trump status quo offers no hope for workers or\u00a0labor.<\/p>\n

Naming and challenging the economic actors aligned with Trump is therefore critical if we are to weaken their post-Trump grip on\u00a0power.<\/p>\n

Although their critics have often suggested that U.S. unions have tied their fortunes too closely to politics, in truth, U.S. labor has been reluctant to take up the kind of big political issues that have historically helped push workers into the streets and built workers\u2019 movements in other democracies. We should not be surprised if many national unions hesitate to act decisively. Nor should we expect their leaders to be at the forefront, for despite critics\u2019 endless talk of labor bosses, the movement has never functioned effectively as a\u00a0top-down, command-and-control\u00a0institution.<\/p>\n

Rather, the national union movement has tended to respond opportunistically to openings that it lacked the institutional will or unity of purpose to create. In the present crisis, local unions in cities around the country\u2009\u2014\u2009through the common good alliances they\u2019re building to fight ICE, support beleaguered federal workers and demand billionaires begin paying their fair share\u2009\u2014\u2009are beginning to create the kind of openings that could conceivably pull the larger movement into the\u00a0fight.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Evidence on the ground in places like Minnesota already suggests that well-conceived actions by forward-leaning coalitions of the willing can open windows of opportunity and create permission structures capable of drawing more cautious mainstream organizations into the fight. The Minnesota AFL-CIO did not initiate the remarkable \u200b\u201c<\/span>Day of Truth &<\/span>\u00a0Freedom,\u201d which triggered a\u00a0virtual economic shutdown of Minneapolis on January 23<\/span>, as tens of thousands of residents stayed away from work, school and shopping. Yet the organizing and alignment-building that preceded that event won the state federation\u2019s support in the days before the action, generating a\u00a0much larger impact than its initial organizers had\u00a0expected.<\/p>\n

Forward-thinking unions and their allies can replicate this effect in other settings by constructing campaigns that unmask the corporations colluding with the Trump administration\u2019s authoritarian push. Focusing on key sectors and geographies, and engaging in calculated acts of disruption and nonviolent resistance, can not only erect defenses against the administration\u2019s aggression but set the stage for a\u00a0post-Trump organizing\u00a0surge.<\/p>\n

As longtime veterans of the labor movement, we see three elements as crucial to this strategy. The first is defining our targets expansively and attacking the financial roots of their power. We need a\u00a0shared analysis of who has power in our communities and nationally, including the key Big Tech titans who openly advocate rolling back democracy and expanding an all-seeing surveillance\u00a0state.<\/p>\n

Having identified these present-day \u200b\u201c<\/span>malefactors of great wealth,\u201d as they were called in the Progressive Era, we need to demand that worker pension funds (state and local government workers\u2019 pension assets alone top $6<\/span> trillion) cease investing in these corporations and their anti-worker, antidemocratic agenda. We also need to articulate a\u00a0platform and visionary policy agenda that focuses on breaking up and limiting their economic and political power. We must find ways to tax their hoarded wealth, reinvesting the revenues in our struggling austerity-starved\u00a0communities.<\/p>\n

A second element involves moving the labor movement into a\u00a0fighting posture. The past half-century has taken a\u00a0debilitating toll on the movement\u2019s willingness and capacity to engage in collective action. In 1955<\/span>, the year the AFL-CIO was formed, the equivalent of 12<\/span>.1<\/span>% of union members engaged in a\u00a0major work stoppage. That level of union militancy vanished long ago in the United States. During the past 25<\/span>\u00a0years, the annual average of participants in major work stoppages has been equal to only 1<\/span>% of U.S. union members. (The high point of militancy in that period came during the 2018<\/span> #RedForEd teacher walkout upheaval, when the equivalent of 3<\/span>.3<\/span>% of union members went on strike, a\u00a0mere fraction of 1950<\/span>s-level\u00a0militancy.)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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(Kazimir Iskander)<\/span>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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If it\u2019s difficult to imagine a\u00a0revival of organized labor without a\u00a0revival of worker militancy, it\u2019s even harder to envision an effective opposition to authoritarianism without it. Political scientist Erica Chenoweth, of Harvard\u2019s John F. Kennedy School of Government, has theorized that, to succeed, a\u00a0civil resistance movement requires 3<\/span>.5<\/span>% of a\u00a0population to actively join it. If we are to reach that threshold, then labor will need to massively overperform. Labor can play this role only if it begins to rebuild its badly atrophied capacity for collective action. Unions can begin to recover that capacity by aligning contract dates and strikes, crafting common good bargaining demands that enlist public support for those struggles, and planning national \u200b\u201c<\/span>no work, no school, no shopping\u201d efforts like the one Minnesotans pulled off January 23<\/span>, and as the May Day Strong campaign recently\u00a0promoted.<\/p>\n

Finally, we need community-labor organizing committees, like those that emerged in Minnesota, to lead large-scale drives in crucial sectors while linking these efforts to the goal of breaking up the big companies that are increasingly dominating our economy and politics alike. As we confront the most aggressive consolidation of capital and economic power this nation has ever seen, our goal cannot be only to unionize the behemoths that are reorganizing our society; we must demand their vast monopoly power be diminished and made accountable to the public\u00a0good.<\/p>\n

There is no doubt that democracy and workers\u2019 rights are facing down an existential threat. Yet that very threat and the sense of urgency it has spawned have created an opportunity we could not have engineered on our own. It has roused growing numbers to the defense of democracy, glaringly exposed the dangers of unchecked corporate power and catalyzed actions within pockets of the labor movement that have a\u00a0potential to spread and become\u00a0transformative.<\/p>\n

In the years ahead, if more unions begin to follow the example set by organizers in Minnesota to seize this moment by embracing social movement unionism, they will not only play an indispensable role in defeating Trumpist\u00a0authoritarianism.\u00a0<\/p>\n

They could also help trigger a\u00a021<\/span>st<\/sup>-century revival of the U.S. labor\u00a0movement.<\/p>

Read more \u201cWe Demand Freedom\u201d: Immigrants on Strike in New Jersey Prison<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/article>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The array of attacks on democracy and workers\u2019 rights presents an opportunity to expand labor\u2019s power\u2014if unions are willing to seize it.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":146,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-148","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-viewpoint"],"yoast_head":"\nHow Resisting Trumpism Could Revive the U.S. Labor Movement - Summit Relocation Timess<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/summitrelocationtimess.com\/?p=148\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How Resisting Trumpism Could Revive the U.S. Labor Movement - 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